From 2000 to 2010, the number of slum dwellers living in informal settlements in developing countries increased from 767 million to 828 million (UN-HABITAT, 2011), and these trends are expected to continue to reach 889 million people worldwide by 2020. The standard of living of slum dwellers worldwide has been identified as one of the most important global challenges (Khadr et al., 2010), while an estimated 32.7% of the population in developing countries lives in slums (UN-HABITAT, 2011). In Ahmedabad, about 40% of the population lives in informal settlements. A significant number of urban poor live in these places. The two main types of informal settlements are slums, which developed from the illegal occupation of the outskirts of the city by migrants and squatters, and chawls, which are housing units originally built for factory and factory workers. Most slum dwellers tend to settle along urban rivers, such as the Sabarmati River, on undeveloped land or in low-lying areas (Bhatt, 2003). Exposure to human and animal waste, unsafe water and high crime rates contribute directly to high mortality rates in squatter settlements. Women are particularly vulnerable, as sexual violence is prevalent in settlements where unemployment and drug and alcohol abuse are high. Lack of access to education can further exacerbate these problems. The exact legal status of squatting in Ireland is ambiguous and the mechanisms for removing squatters vary from case to case, sometimes through court proceedings, sometimes not. Trespassing and occupying property is not illegal, but since there is no definitive procedure for dealing with squatters, illegal evictions occur, sometimes with the assistance of the Garda Síochána (Irish police).
 However, some “squatter rights” may be claimed in the form of prejudicial possession. A resident is entitled to lawful possession of the property, provided that he or she occupies the property continuously and continuously for 12 years.  To claim harmful possession, the occupier must declare his intention to claim ownership to the Land Registry. True or false? Squatter settlements are often hated by city dwellers because they occupy valuable land. The majority of squats have a residential character. Squatting tends to occur when a poor and homeless population sees dilapidated properties or land.  According to author Robert Neuwirth, there were more than 1 billion (one in seven) squatters in the world in 2004. If current trends continue, this share will increase to 2 billion (one in four) by 2030 and 3 billion (one in three) by 2050.  Despite the number of squats, according to academic Kesia Reeve, “squatting is largely absent from political and academic debate and is rarely conceptualized as a problem, as a symptom or as a social or housing movement.”  The year 2007 marked a fundamental and transformative change in the world`s population. For the first time in human history, more people lived in urban areas than in rural areas.1 Without official addresses, cobblestone streets, lighting, and other basic amenities, squatters must adapt to dangerous living conditions. Services such as police and fire protection are also lacking, and groups living in these settlements are responsible for organizing these services themselves.
A comprehensive presentation of Third World urbanization in the context of a “global” system of unequal capitalist development with a prosperous core of the First World and “dependent” peripheries. In this context, squatter settlements are emerging in countries where industrial growth is slowing and jobs are limited. The chapters deal with regional disparities, rural-urban migration, labour markets and informal employment, squatting as a people`s housing strategy, planning and policy solutions. Hernandez F, Kellett P, Allen L (eds.) (2012) Rethinking the Informal City: Critical Perspectives from Latin America. Berghahn Books, New York In Kenya, there are large squatter communities like Kibera in Nairobi. In Peru, the name of the squatter colonies is pueblos jóvenes. In Colombia and Venezuela, they are called “invasions” (as in “invading property”, as squatter can be linked to a building or vacant lot) and in Argentina they are known as Villa Miseria. In Canada, there are two systems for registering land ownership. Under the land titling system, the rights of squatters, officially known as enemy property, were abolished. However, these rights have been retained under the registration system. If a person occupies land for the required period, as provided for in provincial statutes of limitations, and no legal action is taken to evict the person during that period, ownership of the land passes from the rightful owner to the squatter.  The application of remote sensing techniques offers opportunities for mapping slums/informal settlements using satellite imagery (Kohli et al., 2012) (Fig.
8). Remote sensing technology provides spatially rich data with high spatio-temporal consistency for slum/informal settlement monitoring and effective intervention by local authorities. An extensive literature has emerged covering topics related to the application of remote sensing and image processing to characterize informal settlements and estimate population distribution patterns (Aminipouri et al., 2009; Kohli et al., 2012; Owen & Wong, 2013; Sietchiping, 2004), assessment of area-based socioeconomic status (Niebergall et al., 2007) and object-oriented classification of informal settlements in urban areas (Niebergall et al., 2008) and extraction of informal enclaves in the concentration of large settlements (Hofmann et al., 2008; Mayunga et al., 2010). The classification of informal settlements uses object-based image analysis (OBIA) methods to study housing trends and estimate them based on shape, size and distance (Blaschke and Lang, 2006; Hay and Castile, 2006; Hurskainen and Pellikka, 2004). Indicators for measuring informal settlements include vegetation, type of road, materials, accessibility, terrain geomorphology, texture, distance from residential structures, proximity to hazards, consistency of housing orientation, proximity to city centre and social services, size of dwellings, built-in dwellings, building density and roofing materials (Kohli et al., 2012). Research by Angeles et al., 2009, used VHR satellite imagery to extract the concentration of urban poverty. Jain, 2007, showed that remote sensing applications can explain informal development patterns over time. Squatter settlements can have different degrees of organization and infrastructure development. For example, some informal settlements outside the city of Rio de Janeiro have electricity, sanitation, police forces and even art galleries. These services have been set up by local residents and external groups such as NGOs, but they still lack land rights and access to some basic government services. Squatter settlements are mainly located on the outskirts of megacities in developing countries.
They are often built on unwanted land whose ownership is unclear, such as steep slopes, floodplains, industrial centers or areas of desertification. Israeli settlements are communities of Israeli citizens living in the Palestinian territories. The international community considers settlements in the occupied territories to be illegal.   In March 2018, Israeli settlers were evicted from a house they illegally occupied in Hebron, a Palestinian city in the West Bank. The fifteen families had argued that they had bought the house, but the Supreme Court ruled that they had to leave. Israeli forces declared the building a closed military zone and it was not clear whether the Palestinian owners could be recaptured. The settlers already occupied the house and were evicted in 2012.  In October 2018, Fatou Bensouda, chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, said Israel`s planned destruction of the Bedouin village of Khan al-Ahmar could constitute a war crime.  An essay by social demographers records global urbanization and contrasts the urbanization of “underdeveloped” countries with that of the industrialized West.